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Who were Aotearoa's early Chinese migrants and settlers?

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Who were Aotearoa's early Chinese migrants and settlers?

Understanding the world of the early Chinese in Aotearoa, means being aware of the tiny area of land they came from, their shared culture and the legal barriers that New Zealand set up to restrict Chinese migration.

There are two things that are unique about Aotearoa's early Chinese. The first is that they were overwhelmingly male.[1] Part of this was due to traditional beliefs about family, land and the role of women. The other part was due to cost and the huge expense of bringing wives and families to New Zealand. This became even more prohibitive from 1881 when New Zealand's anti-Chinese poll-tax laws were introduced.

The second unique thing about this community is that it was shaped and contained by Government policies that actively sought to limit the community's growth. From 1881 there was a tax on all Chinese migrants (the poll tax) and restrictions on the number of Chinese that ships could carry. After 1920, the Government introduced an immigration permit system that dramatically limited the number of Chinese migrants. For the next 50 years it was extremely difficult for Chinese to migrate here - even for Chinese men who married New Zealand women. There were some limited exceptions for family reunification, such as during the war. However, the community was essentially isolated from new blood right up until the early 1970s.[2]

Place holder for a new detailed map - currently being commissioned.

Leaving the home villages

The Pearl River Delta is the ancestral home of all Aotearoa’s early Chinese migrants. This coastal area sits within the much larger province of Guangdong (Canton). Facing outwards to the world, both Guangdong and its neighbour Fujian have a centuries long tradition of migration and trade networks.  

Within the Pearl River Delta are the specific home counties of early Chinese New Zealanders. These rural areas are clustered to the west, south and east of Guangzhou city and occupy an area very similar to the size covered by the Hawke’s Bay Regional Council (ie Central Hawke’s Bay, Hastings and Wairoa).[3]

The story behind 19th century Chinese migration
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The home counties of the early Chinese migrants
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Like the rest of China, these areas experienced a big population boom during the 1700s. The result was land shortages and economic stress, compounded by high taxes and increasing Government corruption. The situation was made worse from 1839 when a war broke out over trading rights (the Opium Wars), and Western powers attacked key trading cities including Guangzhou. This led to further civil unrest.[4]

All of these factors drove young men overseas in search of greater opportunities. Ironically it was the influx of foreign traders after the Opium Wars that highlighted the opportunities in places like the Americas and Australasia. Some of these young men came to Aotearoa, following in the wake of Pākehā colonists.

Who were they?

While many of the early migrants came from rural areas, there were generally not the poorest of the poor. At the least, all prospective migrants needed access to credit to pay for travel and settlement costs.[5] This suggests they came from landowning clans or had good connections. In terms of education, almost all who arrived in New Zealand were able to read and write Chinese.[6]

Some of the earliest arrivals also came with English language skills, a result of working on British ships or in colonies like Victoria and Hong Kong. This was a great advantage for people like Appo Hocton and John Ah Tong, who both set up businesses catering to early colonists.  

The first significant wave of Chinese came when miners from Victoria arrived in Otago in 1865. Unlike earlier migrants who had come independently, the goldminers were brought over in groups, the earliest being guided by Ho A Mei. Focused on a single task Chinese gold seekers quickly set up their own support systems, including supports for newcomers. Numbers grew as 'new chums' arrived in Aotearoa knowing they could rely on the help of relatives and fellow villagers already here.

Overwhelming, those who came were almost all men. In Chinese society women were embedded within the wider family. They had very little social or economic independence and there was a strong cultural expectation that women should stay home and look after their husband’s parents and property.

On the other hand, Chinese men had agency and independence. For the young and energetic, places like New Zealand offered enormous opportunities.

Matilda Lo Keong was the first Chinese woman to arrive in Aotearoa. She arrived in 1873 with her husband Joseph, a well-to-do Dunedin merchant. Both were committed Christians. Presbyterian Research Centre, Presbyterian Church of Aotearoa New Zealand, P-A52.6-8

Migrants, settlers or something in between?  

It is often said that Chinese migrants were sojourners, or people who did not intend settling permanently in Aotearoa. This is roughly borne out by the 1870 to 1941 arrival and departure records for Chinese, which show that of those who arrived, a total of 82% departed.[7]

However, only describing the early Chinese as temporary residents is to miss a more complex picture that unfolds over a 78-year period with different waves of migration and changing migration laws.[8]

In general, an important part of settlement was family. The handful of Chinese who arrived before the goldminers all seem to have married New Zealand women, suggesting their intention to settle. This was not so for the gold seekers and others who arrived by their thousands from 1865. The vast majority only came to New Zealand for economic reasons and left once they had made their money. However some stayed out of choice - perhaps because they had made good lives for themselves in New Zealand - or because they could not afford to return.

It is more difficult to know the settlement intentions of those who arrived after the goldrush, post-1881. However, we do know that they came intending to set up businesses. Some did very well and a few of the most wealthy or financially stable could afford to bring their families to New Zealand. The poll-tax for all Chinese, including wives and children, was £10 poll tax from 1881. This was later raised to £100 in 1896 - more than the average New Zealand wage earner made in a year.[9]

The result was a semi-settled life. Ideally, a man would return to China every five to seven years to spend an extended time ‘at home’. Those who returned would often come back with their sons or other relatives and teach them how to run the family business. This would allow the original migrant to go back to China for their retirement years. This cycle was sometimes repeated for two or three generations. Families depended on the New Zealand money that was sent back to China, and the relative social stability of New Zealand compared with China made it important for the family to maintain those New Zealand connections.[10]  

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The three main groups of early Chinese migrants

  • The earliest settlers - before the gold seekers a handful of independent-minded Chinese men made Aotearoa their home. Like other colonists, they took whatever opportunities that saw. The earliest settler Appo Hocton, had multiple businesses including housekeeping, cartage, farming and property development. James Patterson, John Jackson and William Smith took English names, and were cooks and hoteliers. While John Ah Tong who arrived in the 1860s, was a carver, gilder, cabinet maker, translator and entrepreneur.
  • Goldseekers – the 1848 California gold rush kicked off a series of rushes in Canada, Australia and New Zealand. Gold was discovered in Otago in 1861, but by 1865 new fields had been discovered on the West Coast, triggering an exodus of miners from Otago. Chinese miners from Victoria were invited to work the abandoned Otago fields.  The first arrived at the end of 1865. By 1881 there were just over 5,000 Chinese in New Zealand – mostly gold seekers. The majority of the miners came from Poon Yue county. Those who arrived early did extremely well, and returned to China in a few years as very wealthy men. The later arrivals did not fare as well. However, most returned to China. Those who stayed, continued to work for diminishing returns or moved into other occupations such as market gardening.
  • Business people / poll-tax payers – From the 1890s a new wave of Chinese migrants arrived. These new arrivals, mostly from Jung Seng county had more access to capital than earlier migrants, and were able to pay the poll tax (£10 from 1881 and £100 from 1896). The new wave of migrants set up businesses all around the country, but especially in North Island cities and small towns. Their main businesses were fruitshops and import / exports. The late 1800s also saw the rise of Chinese laundries – generally run by Seyip migrants, and Chinese market gardens which were set up mainly by Poon Yue and Seyip migrants.

The effect of anti-Chinese migration laws

In 1920 the Government introduced a new policy making it almost impossible for Chinese and other 'undesirables' to freely migrate to New Zealand. This type of immigration restriction stayed more or less in place until 1987.

The effect of these laws meant that New Zealand’s early settler Chinese community developed from a base of about 3,000 Chinese who were in New Zealand before 1920.  There were a few migration influxes, including the 1939 refugee intake comprising the wives and children of Chinese New Zealand men who were already here. The post-war period also saw other smaller groups of Chinese migrants. these included migrants chosen for their specialist skills, to ethnically Chinese refugees from South East Asia. However, the bulk of the early settler community derives from the three groups of pre-1920 migration.

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Kirsten Wong 18 January 2024

End notes

[1] It wasn’t until 1986 that the number of Chinese New Zealand females caught up with that of males (1986 Census: 9,903 males and 9,606 females). The early colonial gender balance was also skewed towards more males, but less dramatically. The whole non-Māori population reached a gender balance in 1916. See: Charlotte Macdonald, 'Women and men - Colonial beginnings: 1840s–1880s', Te Ara - the Encyclopedia of New Zealand, http://www.TeAra.govt.nz/en/graph/29209/colonial-gender-balance (accessed 28 August 2024)

[2]  The intention of the 1920 permit system was to stop the immigration of all “undesirables”, including Chinese. However, the Government did make some exceptions between 1920 and 1986. For example, in 1951 it allowed ethnically Chinese students to come to New Zealand under the Colombo Plan. And in 1971 it began to allow some Chinese professionals in, provided they had a specific job offer in their technical field.

Lobbying from the Chinese New Zealand community also resulted in exceptions. For example, from the 1920s some Chinese men could bring their sons to New Zealand to go to school, and between 1939-1941 some Chinese men were allowed to bring out their families as temporary war refugees provided they could pay a £200 deposit. In 1951 the Government introduced a new quota system for the reunification of Chinese families. While this was very good, in practice it was difficult for Chinese women and children to physically get out of China due to the Communist victory of 1949.
The end result of Government policy and geopolitical events, was a very contained community over multiple generations. Relatively few Chinese were able to migrate to New Zealand pre-1987, and those who did were mostly the relatives of people who had come before 1920.

[3]  The total area of the Chinese early settlers’ home counties is around 16,107 square kms. By comparison, the Hawke’s Bay Regional Council (Wairoa, Hastings and the Central Hawke’s Bay) covers 14,138 square kms. Note that the area estimate for the home counties is based on the present-day administrative areas that most closely approximate late 19th county boundaries. The actual ancestral areas are likely to be smaller as the home villages were generally clustered in sub areas of the larger county.

[4] This included the Poonti-Hakka wars 1855-1867 mainly affecting the Toishan and Seyip area, and the Red Turban Rebellion 1854-1856 where secret societies devoted to restoring the former Ming dynasty captured Tsingyun (Qingyuan), a northern Guangdong county, and then several areas around Guangzhou including Tung Goon (Dongguan) and Foshan. Seyip  and Tung Goon are among the early settler home counties.

[5] While there were Chinese indentured labourers around the Pacific and other colonies (historically called 'coolies'), all New Zealand's early Chinese were independent emigrants.

[6] European missionary reports often describe the early Chinese as illiterate. They may have been referring to the migrants a lack of English language skills. Note that the written Chinese that early migrants most likely used was functional Chinese, as opposed to Literary or Classical Chinese which was the language of the classics and was developed in the 5th century BCE.

[7] Between 1870 and 1941, arrival and departure records show 24,423 Chinese arriving, and 20,053 departing. These figures include short-term visits. Ng, James, Windows on a Chinese Past, v1, Dunedin, Otago Heritage Press, 1993, p348-349.

[8] From the arrival of the first Chinese migrant in 1842 to the introduction of The Immigration Restriction Amendment Act 1920, also known the “White New Zealand Policy”.

[9] The average yearly earnings for a New Zealand male wage earner in 1896 was £84.1s. For a woman it was £28 12s. New Zealand Official Yearbook 1897 Note that the wives of Chinese who had been naturalised were exempt from the tax.

[10] There several main and competing drivers for decisions to settle or return. These include:

Cultural belief systems and identity – early Chinese strongly identified with their clan and village. Ancestral ties and being buried where your family could make offerings to you was a central part of the belief system. As part of this, there was a lot of pressure from families In China to ensure their young men returned home. Often they would be married off before they left. If Chinese men had children in New Zealand they would often be sent home to 'get a Chinese education' and be immersed in the culture. For all Chinese New Zealand residents, we can assume that anti-Chinese sentiment impacted on their feelings of belonging. This in turn would have made it more important that ties with China were strictly maintained.  

Economics – From 1881 all Chinese migrants were required to pay a £10 poll-tax, rising to £100 in 1896. This meant that a migrant’s first years in New Zealand were spent paying back this debt – sometimes up to seven years for the higher sum. However, once this initial outlay was paid back, most could be confident of securing a reliable source of income. Sending money back to China made excellent economic sense as the cost of living was so much lower in China, and New Zealand earnings went a long way towards supporting wider family members.

Family and settlement - as a general rule those who had families in New Zealand were the most likely to settle and do well. But cost made this a difficult option unless the men chose New Zealand partners. Those wanting to bring wives and children from China, would not only have to pay the poll-tax for them but also maintain a (more costly) New Zealand household. On top of this would be obligations to support the wider family in China. This probably explains why there were few Chinese wives in New Zealand pre-1920.

Future prospects - New Zealand’s long-term stability was a major drawcard for early Chinese migrants. The early migrants’ home counties had gone through war, social unrest and a breakdown in civil society. By comparison, New Zealand was much more stable and despite growing anti-Chinese sentiment in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, those who opted to settle did so with the long-term future in mind.